Idols in Japan: De-problematising the Wacky Portrayal of the Industry
By Beverly Choo, Chen Yi Ting, Jolene Ong, Ng Hong Yong, Shawn Goh
Introduction
Wagenaar (2016) argues that wacky orientalism allows the West to reaffirm itself as normal and thus superior to the East. To do so, the West accentuates the contrasts between their practices and norms with those of the East which they are unfamiliar with, thus stereotyping the latter to be weird (50 – 51). This is done by stereotyping or taking simplistic depictions of oriental phenomena as wholesale truth, obscuring the intricacies of the Orient. In this paper, we explore the phenomenon of Japanese idol fandom with regard to female idols and their fans. We focus on the formation of social relationships in the idol community and explore the tensions between their seemingly unproductive nature with their productive impacts. We argue that these representations of the Japanese idol fandom and industry are limiting because they conceal its complexities while hiding its productive impacts.
Figure 1: Screenshot of middle-aged men fervently cheering on female idols during a performance (Furafura in Japan 2017, 2:06).
Japanese idol fans are perceived one-dimensionally by Western audiences through association with the well-known stereotype of otaku. Otaku, primarily referring to avid fans of manga and anime, are imagined to be predominantly men who crave and obsess over young girl idols (Galbraith 2019, 50 – 51). This stereotype is extended to idol fans, perhaps because their fervent cheering, as depicted in Figure 1, seemingly coincides with this portrayal. These depictions reinforce the stereotype of male idol otaku as perverted men who indulge in unproductive relationships with young female idols. Thus, otaku idol fans are stereotyped by the West to be perverted, especially since such behaviors may be rare and unusual in the West. This perceived perversion and decadence reinforces the normalcy felt by the West and accentuates the wackiness of Japan.
Furthermore, the perceived weirdness of idol-fan relationships further distances Western audiences from the phenomenon. Idol-fan relationships are mainly understood as parasocial relationships, which are one-sided relationships that subsist on an “illusion of intimacy” (Horton and Wohl 1956, 217). Galbraith (2019) posited that there is a one-sided sexualisation, objectification and fetishism of female idols by fans (54, 72). These seemingly violate the social norm of interpersonal relationships as avenues of real intimacy and sexual reproduction. Hence, identity normality is established for Westerners while Japanese wackiness is amplified.
The idol industry is portrayed as promoting unproductivity and stunting reproductivity. Not only do we disagree with such a portrayal, but we argue that the industry promotes productivity in three significant ways. First, it supports the socialization of Japanese youth with the norms of Japanese society. Next, the idol industry, inclusive of fan networks and their relations with the idols, forms social networks which entail meaningful relationships and can be mobilized for a greater social cause. Finally, idols catalyze economic activity within and beyond the entertainment industry.
We begin our analysis by de- problematizing the phenomenon of idol fandom. External observers may associate the fandom with sexual obsession by male fans towards young female idols. Fans, however, reject this association, characterizing their feelings towards their idols and their motivations for consuming idol media as “pure” (Galbraith 2012, 196). There exists an “affective closeness” between idols and fans: the perceived affection shared between them allows fans to derive satisfaction from watching their idols grow and drives the consumption of idol media (Galbraith 2012, 196; Richardson 2016, 9 – 10). Other fans also consume idol goods to de-stress, or as motivation to work harder (Galbraith 2012, 196; Miyake 2017).
The idol-fan relationship also resembles supportive relations of kinship at the workplace. A support network exists between the idol and her fans as the idol elicits emotional and monetary support from her fans (Galbraith 2018, 159 – 160), while the fans willingly provide the support in return because of their desire to support their idol and watch over their growth (Galbraith 2012, 196; Katayama 2020, 272). Indeed, the growth and success of an idol group is dependent on such fan support (Kiuchi 2017, 31). This is similar to the kinship Japanese people form at the workplace. Under the senpai-kouhai (senior-junior) mentorship system, seniors and juniors form relationships of mutual protection and obligations which tend to entail strong emotional bonds. These relationships transcend beyond the workplace and into private life (Bright 2004, 331 – 332). Seniors are obliged to transfer their knowledge of the trade and connections to their juniors. These relationships can also be observed in the “godfather” system (Drucker 1971, 120 – 121), where members of the upper-middle management can mentor upwards of 100 “godchildren”, or lower-ranked employees. Although an informal relationship, the “godfather” advises “godchildren” on work-related issues and supports their professional development. Idol-fan relationships can thus be understood less as a fanatical obsession and more of an extension of the ability of the Japanese people to form emotional kinships with people not within their immediate family circles (Bright 2004, 331). In subsequent sections, we demonstrate the productive facets of the idol industry and fandom.
Socialization
In this section, we argue that Japanese female idols are important agents propagating social norms due to large fan demographics and parasocial interactions. Socialization describes a process where “people develop a sense of self and learn the ways of the society in which they live” (Ferrante 2013, 73). Disseminating cultural and ideological information is essential to the inheritance and transmission of societal norms.
Figure 2: Screenshot of Nogizaka46’s Twitter page on November 5, 2021 (Nogizaka46 2021).
Idol group Perfume has supporters ranging from “teens to adults, with the bulk of them being from their late teens to early 30s” (Richardson 2016, 30). Therefore, the socializing influence of idols is far-reaching. Parasocial phenomena also generate more effective socialization. The perceived closeness and familiarity with idols promote the transmission of values and narratives from idols to fans. Media consumption, through avenues such as television, not only breaches distances but also generates intimacy. This results in what Karlin (2012) describes as a kind of “mediated voyeurism” among fans (78 – 79). The parasocial interactions have transcended television; young, target populations are now increasingly influenced through online avenues (Abe 2021). Idols have since utilized social media to showcase themselves (Figure 2), and some even produce and stream performances (Figure 3). Certainly, the parasocial idol-fan dynamic is constantly evolving, with the rapid transmogrification of its information channels.
Figure 3: Screenshot of TAjoshi’s YouTube full live stream, with open live chat for the fans to cheer on (IDOL LIVE JAPAN 2021).
Notably, the socializing influence of idols reaches both adolescents and adults. Aoyagi (1999) posits that the consumption of idol media functions as “commercialized rituals” to “initiate adolescents into the value system of the Japanese middle-class” (34). This includes the norms of consumerism, an indicator of affluence – consuming idol media and commodities can symbolize social status. Such behavior is a microcosm of middle-class consumption wherein one’s tastes in consumption relay information about their social status and group affiliations. Further, adolescents are not the only demographic that experience idols’ socializing influence. There exist examples of adult fans who struggled to learn “proper” communicative social norms when they were younger. As a result, idols and the fan community can socialize them with the communicative skills required to navigate Japanese society (Figure 4).
Figure 4: Screenshots of an interview with Kōji, a “loyal fan” of female idol Yune, indicating the socializing influence idols can have on adult fans (Unreported World 2020, 22:12 – 22:23).
Inevitably, the idol industry perpetuates social norms, regardless of the target demographic. Gender roles and norms are reinforced in the idol industry, at least amongst mainstream groups. For instance, AKB48’s management emphasizes that their idols should be “pure but sexy, docile yet energetic” (Kiuchi 2017, 42 – 43). Idols play a role in highlighting feminine ideals and kawaii (cute) culture, which “inadvertently reproduce heteronormative gender norms” (Rose 2020, 82). The idols’ conduct reflects how the industry thinks women should behave, socialising fans in normative ideas of female-male relationships, thereby replicating and reinforcing gender roles.
Another norm that the industry propagates is conformity. In Japan, there exists strong pressure for both children and adults to conform (Koide, Yoshida, Ogawa, Kuramoto, Homma and Naruse, 2019, 278). Like society at large, the idol industry considers conformity as indispensable, ensuring that the idols’ dance routines, costumes and looks are similar. This extensive image manipulation “discounts the individuality of singers” (Kiuchi 2017, 30; see also Figure 6). Through prolonged exposure to such practices, idol fans can be further influenced to conform to norms perpetuated by idols, especially for those who view idols as their role models. Japanese female idols can thus be understood as an extension of pop culture’s submissive aspects through its dissemination of mainstream sensibilities.
Social Networks and Capital
We can also understand the idol industry as a form of social capital that facilitates the transmission of other forms of capital. Häuberer (2011) identifies social capital as relationships – or more broadly, social networks – which allow individuals to tap into the resources (e.g., economic and cultural capital) of others in the network or group (38 – 39). These networks can transmit and express certain norms, or be mobilized to achieve larger-scale impacts.
Idol fans form meaningful social networks with fellow fans, forming a horizontal dimension to this form of social capital. Similar to Yano’s (1997) research on fan clubs within the music industry in Japan (336 – 337), idol fans also form horizontal relationships with each other through their common interest in the idol, in addition to the existing parasocial relationship between idols and fans. Idol events provide avenues for fellow fans to bond and strengthen relationships that exist outside of the fandom. Following the rise of social media and video streaming platforms, online spaces have facilitated the creation and expansion of fan networks. Idol fans have increasingly large online presences, which they mobilize and influence online trends to promote the visibility of their favorite idols. For instance, netizens can promote hashtags related to their idol groups’ activities to raise their visibility in the Japanese Twitter space.
These idol fan networks can also be vertically mobilized towards greater social causes. A notable example is when the fans of Japanese idol group AKB48 were mobilized to raise funds in response to the 3.11 Great East Japan Earthquake that decimated northeast Japan. These included calls by the idols for their audience to donate towards humanitarian response groups and the group’s own fundraising efforts (Katayama 2020, 270). Alongside other celebrities, the group’s popularity was used to appeal to fans to contribute financially through purchases of the Ministry of Finance’s special bonds to fund post-disaster reconstruction and donations to a fundraiser event held by the Japanese Red Cross (Kiuchi 2017, 44 – 45).
Rather than a simplistic view of one-sided fan obsession with the idol, we observe meaningful vertical and horizontal social networks in the idol industry which can have significant impacts, including the propagation and mobilization of capital.
Figure 5: Members of AKB48 on their tour around Miyako City, Iwate Prefecture (left) and Natori City, Miyagi Prefecture (right) as part of their Dareka no Tame ni Project to raise awareness of the devastation and funds for the rebuilding of regions affected by the 3.11 disaster (AKB48, 2012).
Economic Impacts
In this final section, we demonstrate that idols are a productive force in the Japanese economy by mobilizing spending and promoting worker productivity, at least among fans. Firstly, idols catalyze the circulation of money in Japan’s consumer economy. Idols – particularly large, prominent groups like AKB48 – have contributed to the growth of Japan’s music industry due to their success in mobilizing fan consumption of music and merchandise. Since 2011, AKB48’s singles have sold over a million copies (Kiuchi 2017, 32), attributable to a system that attaches fan incentives such as ballots for the idol “general elections” to each single (Baseel 2018). Each fan is motivated to buy multiple singles to obtain ballots because voting for their favorite idols in these “general elections” is tangible proof of their affection with seemingly real outcomes: the idols’ relative standing in these elections determines their social position in the group and affects the duration of media exposure they receive for the single. This success in idol CD sales resulted in Japan’s music sales growing by 3% in 2012, rising for the first time in five years and enabling Japan’s music industry to become the world’s largest market (Kiuchi 2017, 33). Idol goods like photographs, videos, and other collectables, also generate a ready stream of revenue because consuming these visible and tangible goods reify, symbolize and legitimate fan attachments (Galbraith 2012, 197; see also Yano 1997, 341).
Moreover, idols can also mobilize spending in other industries through endorsement. Popular idols appear regularly in fashion magazines, allowing them to influence fashion trends. In Figure 6, we see two issues of non-no, a women’s fashion magazine, featuring members of popular idol groups on their covers. The text indicates that idols from other prominent groups are also featured within the pages. This promotes idols as fashion role models, especially for adolescents coming of age, motivating youths to create and recreate trends and lifestyles seemingly championed by these idols (Aoyagi 1999, 32). Thus, idols are often used to capitalize on the transformation of adolescent selves in their transition into adulthood (Aoyagi 1999, 52). Featuring idols in magazines can also drive consumption of magazines among idol fandoms. This occurs for other products with idol endorsement as well: Karlin (2012, 87 – 88) found that the appearance of idols in commercials correlates with the increase in sales and pre-orders of the products the idols endorse.
Figure 6: Members of popular idol groups Sakurazaka46 (left) and Nogizaka46 (right) frequently appear on the covers and within the pages of fashion magazines like non-no (Shueisha Inc. 2020).
Furthermore, the consumption of idol media contributes to worker productivity. For fans, the idol is an idealized object of desire (Galbraith and Karlin 2012, 2) and consumption of idol media may serve as fans’ motivation to create their own startup ventures or work hard in their occupations (Tokyo Idols 2017). Fans perceive their idols as hardworking and energetic as a source of inspiration (Tokyo Idols 2017). In turn, this would further energize the fans themselves (Galbraith 2012, 196). Idols are also able to provide pleasure by healing fans (iyaseru) on a stressful day, rejuvenating and enabling workers to work harder and be more productive in their respective occupations (Galbraith 2012, 196). Thus, consumption of idol media contributes to both worker performance and revenue flows.
Conclusion
The portrayal of Japan’s idol industry as wacky via simplistic stereotypes of otaku is problematic not only because it conceals the complexities and significance of the phenomena in the lived realities of Japanese fans. It is also evident that, contrary to depictions of the idol fandom as decadent and unproductive, it is in fact productive in multiple aspects, ranging from socialization and social networking to its positive impact on economic revenue and productivity. Even in recent years, it does not seem like Western perceptions of Japan’s idol industry have deviated significantly: the industry and its fandoms are still seen predominantly through a wacky orientalist lens.
This paper has been an attempt to de-problematize perceptions of the Japanese idol industry through a focus on the significance, deeper social meanings, and impacts of relationships in the industry, synthesizing knowledge about the female idol industry based largely on existing literature. Future work could focus attention on de- problematizing the Japanese male idol industry. The consultation of primary sources and incorporation of idol voices could prove insightful as well. It is our hope that greater attention can be directed to normalizing the phenomenon of idols and celebrities, in addition to wacky depictions in popular media and problematization in scholarly publications.
About the authors:
Name: Beverly Choo
Major: Business
Interests: Video Games, Digital ArtName: Chen Yi Ting
Major: Communications and New Media
Interests: : Japanese food, Graphic Design, Creative WritingName: Jolene Ong
Major: MarketingName: Ng Hong Yong
Major: Pharmacy
Interests: Visual kei and J-Metal, Japanese history, pop cultureName: Shawn Goh
Major: Political Science and Sociology
Interests: Japanese pop culture (idols, anime, manga); social and political structures; social and political behaviour
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