Hikikomori in Japan
By Allan Goh Cher Wei, Andre Lim Yu Xuan, Bharathi Mohan Bharkavi, and Clarissa Phua Yan Ting
Introduction
Hikikomori is defined as a severe form of social withdrawal where one retracts from society and seeks extreme degrees of confinement and isolation. The term applies to both the action of shutting oneself in, and the people who are shutting themselves in. The phenomenon has been observed in Japanese adolescents and youths since the 1970s but gained prominence in the 1990s (Pozza et al., 2019 1-3). The phenomenon is not limited to Japan, however, as hikikomori-like cases have been observed in other parts of the world (Kato et al., 2012). Rosenthal and Zimmerman (2012) claim that the prevalence of hikikomori in Japan is because of the society’s collectivist nature, which promotes conformity. Those who cannot conform are ostracised and outcast from society. Despite this, hikikomori can also be seen as a rational and intentional response to irreconcilable and non-rational changes embedded in Japanese culture.
Wacky Japan and Hikikomori
Wagenaar (2016) proposes the existence of a form of orientalism he dubbed “Wacky Orientalism”. It involves the West attempting to “dominate Japan through imposing its stereotypical images of the country, depicting it in an inferior fashion” (Wagenaar, 2016, 50). For example, a study conducted by Gaw and Teo (2010) in the United States aimed to find “evidence for hikikomori as a unique and new phenomenon” and one that was heavily linked to modern Japanese society. In this case, the West has taken the prevalence of hikikomori in Japan and used it as an indication of the differences between Japanese and Western culture. Ironically, despite hikikomori being associated mainly with Japan, the phenomenon is on the rise in the Western world as well. However, in Japan, hikikomori is not treated strictly as a cultural abnormality. Rather, it is seen as a systemic societal problem that society has since partially accepted and is attempting to overcome.
Evolution of Hikikomori
The concept of hikikomori has gradually evolved as its prevalence has increased both in Japan and internationally. According to Kim and Yong (2016), social withdrawal occurs due to traumatic social experiences. The prevalence of technology and social media platforms has exacerbated this by enabling young people to develop alternative socializing habits. Unlike in the past where hikikomori withdrew into their homes in isolation, they can now retreat to their alternate reality within the internet, which some scholars claim could potentially worsen their mental illnesses (Pozza et al., 2019, 2) like anxiety and depression, but could also lessen their isolation by connecting them with other people. Additionally, in modern Japanese society, individual responsibility is prioritised over the traditional multi-generational living structure. The associated societal expectations placed on young Japanese people can induce fear, stress and decision anxiety (Vogel, 2012, 695). Therefore, the combination of societal pressure and the ease of escapism can lead more people to shut themselves in (i.e. become hikikomori) in the present-day.
Hikikomori and Otaku Culture
Otaku culture refers to the culture of fans who are obsessed with their hobby. It is often associated with fans of anime and manga. Otaku culture has been flourishing amongst Japanese youths since the 1960’s. Otaku culture has historically been viewed by older intellectuals in a condescending light (Kinsella, 1998, 313) due to their perception that it is an immature pastime. Kinsella (1998) states that the media and other scholars have argued that otaku culture symbolises the youth of the postwar generation’s obsession with a child-like demeanour and refusal to mature. She elaborates on this, stating that “qualities of immaturity, escapism and resistance to entering Japanese society have been strongly equated with youth, youth culture and manga” (Kinsella, 1998, 292). Over time, the youth of this postwar era grew into adults, and many of the otaku traits developed in their generation trickled down to subsequent generations. One prominent trait is the strong desire for comfort and the passivity that results from it. This trait leads to an unwillingness amongst these youth to transition into their adult lives and take responsibility for themselves. The proliferation of this form of being a fan of anime and manga within Japan has additionally led to a childlike essence being the norm for many who wished to be treated as a child despite no longer being one. The end result is that some Japanese youth possess a more defeatist attitude concerning societal integration, making them more prone to social withdrawal and becoming hikikomori.
Hikikomori and Mental Health Stigmatization
The hikikomori phenomenon is associated with the stigma that Japanese society has towards mental health. This stigmatization has led to hikikomori and mental health rarely being discussed in Japan. There are primary and secondary hikikomori (as quoted in Li and Wong 2015, 598). Primary hikikomori lack an underlying psychological disorder, but they possess mental health issues due to factors like stress (Li and Wong 2015, 598). For instance, the collapse of the bubble economy resulted in lifetime employment no longer being a guarantee; even graduates from reputable universities faced uncertainty in employment (Vogel 2012, 687-688). Over time, repeated exposure to psychologically strenuous situations like the burden on men to support their families facilitates the development of psychological disorders like depression in youths. However, fear of stigmatisation leads them to keep their problems to themselves rather than seek help from mental health professionals. Hence, they choose to withdraw from society to escape the pressure they face.
Unlike primary hikikomori, whose mental health issues result from stress, secondary hikikomori isolate themselves because of an underlying mental disorder they already possess (Li and Wong 2015, 598). The inferiority complex derived from one’s admission to possessing a mental disorder is common in Asian countries. People with mental illness are viewed as a societal threat who should be hidden from the community (Lauber and Wulf Rössler 2007, 161). Most Japanese parents with children who have mental illness are reluctant to seek treatment. Instead, they conceal the issue as they fear being shunned by society (Borovoy 2008, 567). The shame regarding mental disorders drives the actions of secondary hikikomori and their families; if the extent of humiliation is too large, it will activate their sympathetic nervous system where the fight-or-flight response is located (Kotera et al. 2018, 185). They typically choose the flight response, i.e. resorting to social withdrawal to cope with the discomfort caused by societal humiliation. Thus, the increasing prevalence of the hikikomori phenomenon can be partially attributed to the ingraining of the mindset against mental illness in Japanese society. The only way for hikikomori to escape this vicious cycle is for the family to seek intervention as it is unlikely for hikikomori to initiate treatment themselves (Borovoy 2008, 566-567).
Causes of Hikikomori
Parents & Family
Family plays a vital role in explaining the phenomenon of hikikomori amongst young people. Firstly, in order for them to withdraw from society, they need a room and someone to provide them with food. Thus, they would most likely remain in their parents’ house, where these needs can be provided for. This was enabled by the predominant type of familial relationships in 1970s Japan, termed “the new family”. In this “new family”, both parents and children had “internalized” values that proliferated during the postwar era (Gordon and White 2004, 34). For example, they had shared experiences in affluent postwar Japan, such as having access to consumable goods and information, unlike the generation before who experienced poverty and war. This led to both of these generations having shared interests in fashion, cars, music, and other similar forms of consumption for pleasure. Such shared experiences and values allowed the parents to understand their children’s predicament, so they would willingly provide their children with shelter and food until they mature into adulthood, enabling the youth to live together with their parents.
Furthermore, children are often the center of Japanese parents’ life. This is partially attributed to the “gender-specific division of labor” that has been prevalent in Japanese society since the 1970s (Gordon and White 2004, 35). Traditionally, the husband would work to support the family while the wife remained at home to care for the children. Due to the excessive amounts of time spent pursuing their respective endeavours, the husband and wife grow to have little to share other than their children, causing the child to be viewed as the bedrock of the marriage; should the child leave, the relationship might become strained. Hence, underlying youth dependency is the presence of a “mutual dependency” between parents and children (Gordon and White 2004, 35). In addition, independence is a value that is typically neglected due to Confucian principles that value filial piety and provision of lifelong care for parents. Hence children remain at home first as a “dependent” and later as the “carer” (Furlong 2008, 314).
Parenting styles in Japan also contribute to the creation of hikikomori, specifically due to amae. Amae refers to the creation of an indulgent dependency on the mother (Power, Kobayashi-Winata and Kelley, 1992, 186) by the child and often leads to over-protectiveness on the part of the mother. Amae facilitates the creation of hikikomori as it impedes the child’s ability to socialise, causing them to withdraw from society more easily. The over-protectiveness can be overpowering enough to influence the child’s sense of rationality (Krysinska, 2007, 73). Such children would therefore be less adept at societal interactions as they would not be used to thinking rationally for themselves. Furthermore, the shielding of the child’s immaturity (Krysinska, 2007, 73) also becomes problematic as it prevents the child from learning from their failures in society, resulting in their failure to develop an appropriate set of social skills.
Japanese mothers also tend to give their children less input into the socialisation process relative to Western countries (Power, Kobayashi-Winata and Kelley, 1992, 185) as a part of amae. This results from amae’s indulgent nature; Japanese parents tend to tolerate their children’s misbehaviour at younger ages instead of using punishment as they believe the children are too young to comprehend directives (Power, Kobayashi-Winata and Kelley, 1992, 201).
Japan therefore has come to lack a punishment culture when it comes to parenting. This indulgence can cause the child to become less independent and fare worse in society.
The lack of widespread implementation of any real alternative parenting styles to amae in Japan could cause parents to have a more fatalistic view of amae’s effects; specifically, that their children developing into hikikomori is a perpetual possibility. They may thus become more accepting of this potential outcome. Additionally, the fact that amae is built into the typical Japanese parent-child relationship (Krysinska, 2007, 36) makes it so that even families without hikikomori offspring experience it to a degree. This increases Japanese society’s understanding of and ability to relate to this phenomenon, ultimately moderating the view of hikikomori as abnormal.
Education
The Japanese education system also plays a role in explaining the hikikomori phenomenon. The Japanese education system can be characterized as a “single track, rigidly organised and highly pressured” environment (Furlong 2008, 314). There is a large emphasis on educational success with few second chances for students. In this highly organized environment, there are “few concessions to non-conformist behaviour” (Furlong 2008, 315). This drastically reduces student morale, which leads some students to refuse to attend school. In the 2003 PISA surveys, Japan had the highest number of unmotivated students and students displayed highly-varied performance in school (Furlong 2008, 315). This would most likely have affected their self-esteem and confidence levels. With the immense pressure to perform academically, young people may also develop a substantial amount of performance anxiety, which hinders rather than helps them. Subsequently, this failure to perform up to expectation may cause them to retreat from society in shame as the cultural expectation t avoid bringing dishonour onto the family is prevalent, even in present-day Japanese society. This indicates that hikikomori is not always a psychiatric condition, and can be better likened to a purposeful rejection of action (Rosenthal and Zimmerman, 2012).
Conclusion
In conclusion, bringing the topic to the present, with the current shift towards working from home amidst the pandemic and the increasing popularity of freelance work, it is important that we protect the demographics that are the most vulnerable in these uncertain times. In Japan, hikikomori are one example of such people. It is therefore crucial for Japan to continue attempting to understand hikikomori and support them rather than ostracising them and conforming to the Western imposition of an abnormal status upon this group of people. In addition, the West could look to this as an example of how to handle such self-imposed social isolation instead of merely looking at it as a phenomenon of “wacky” Japan.
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