Foreign Culture in Japanese Commercials

By Wang Lei, Timothy Yee Bing Lun, Sun Shuwei, Hannah Neo, and Vivian Chang

Many Japanese commercials have been perceived by Westerners as weird. One reason is the presence of seemingly irrelevant foreign elements (e.g. people or language) in some. The continued existence of such one-sided portrayals in the West consequently illustrates the persistence of “Wacky Orientalism” (Waganaar 2016, 46). However, by considering the unusual historical relationship Japan has with foreigners, the unique cultural norms in Japanese society, and the technical limitations in Japanese marketing, we problematise such a representation by arguing that the commercials are not inherently weird. To demonstrate this, we highlight three commercials: an English language GU commercial for retail skirts (Oricon 2014) (henceforth “GU”), an English language SOYJOY Sconebar commercial (Otsuka Pharmaceutical 2019) (henceforth “SOYJOY”), and a Japanese language SOFY advertisement for panty liners (Unicharm Japan 2020) (henceforth “SOFY”).

According to Wagenaar (2016, 46), “Wacky Orientalism” entails the stereotyping of Japanese society as aberrant by the West while reinforcing the West as the norm. Simultaneously, the West is reluctant to change said perception by analysing the reasons that could have led to such differences. It is evident that these observations are also present when considering Japanese commercials. Many Westerners deliberately search for Japanese commercials for their own entertainment. On YouTube, there are video compilations and even channels that are dedicated to highlighting their weirdness.

Figure 1. The reaction of Jenna Marbles, a popular American YouTuber, who was weirded out and confused by what was happening in a Japanese commercial (Fine Brothers Entertainment 2015).

 

For example, Figure 1 is a frame from a video that shows a few Western, as well as Japanese YouTubers, reacting to unusual Japanese commercials. While the Western YouTubers, such as Jenna Marbles, found the commercials weird, most Japanese YouTubers did not respond similarly as they were already used to watching such commercials. Such divergent reactions illustrate the reluctance of Westerners to understand the commercials beyond their face value. This shows how Japanese commercials fit into the framework of “Wacky Orientalism,” as such videos skew the Western portrayal of Japan as “wacky,” despite such commercials not being representative of Japanese society (Wagenaar 2016, 51). What factors may have led to such unusual commercial design to become commonplace?

At first glance, the inclusion of foreign elements in contemporary Japanese advertisements may baffle non-Japanese audiences. As commercials are aimed towards the domestic market, one would expect them to depict local (i.e. Japanese) themes to remain relatable for their target audience. Such expectations, however, may not hold true in Japan. Beyond representing their local culture, many Japanese have historically idealised foreign culture. This trend was especially evident around the turn of the twentieth century when cultural borrowing from the West became commonplace. With the nascent Meiji government inviting Westerners to serve as sophisticated foreign sensei (teachers) to modernise Japan, it was natural that many Japanese came to associate Western cultural imports as also being modern and state-of-the-art (Haarmann 1984, 103).

Figure 2. Shiseido Keshōhin (Shiseido Cosmetics) poster. 1928. From: The Ad Museum Tokyo (URL). (editors’ note: we have linked directly to the poster on the Ad Museum Tokyo’s page, as they prohibit reproduction of the image outside of their website)

 

Such a trend of cultural borrowing from the West is evident in Japanese advertisements since the Meiji Era (1868-1912). Consider figure 2, a Shiseido advertisement, where a woman with a Western Baroque silhouette is promoting a Western aesthetic to a woman in traditional Japanese dress. It is also striking that the brand name Shiseido is written twice: once in Japanese script, and once in English romanisation. It is clear that the French woman is depicted as the embodiment of the enlightened sensei who is imparting her sophistication to a Japanese woman. By associating with her, the Shiseido brand subsequently gains the connotations of high status and refinement.

Just as how advertisements historically sought to emulate Western culture, contemporary advertisements such as “SOYJOY” and “SOFY” no longer seem incongruous despite their inclusion of foreign elements when they are viewed in the same light. Although Westerners may no longer be seen as a class of enlightened sensei, it is clear that contemporary commercials still share the same formulation of taking on associative meanings from Western images as their predecessors. Foreign elements are therefore, paradoxically, not foreign but familiar to the Japanese audience.

In the present day, foreign culture has acquired additional connotations. As the Japanese often view foreign culture as cosmopolitan and sophisticated, Takashi (1990, 327) suggests that contemporary Japanese commercials take advantage of such associations by including foreign language and actors; this would enable consumers to identify the advertised products as also being upscale and trendy. This point is echoed by Akiyama (1993, 107) who notes that copywriters use English for product names and catchphrases to “image up” (i.e. enhance the impression Japanese consumers have of the product); this is successful due to the perception of English as exotic and associated with luxury.

Moreover, the effectiveness of such an association is sustained by stereotypes about Westerners still persisting in Japan due to their numbers stagnating in Japanese society. Recent increases in the foreign-born population in Japan continue to be marginal as they account for a mere 2.25% of Japan’s population (Nippon Communications Foundation 2020, para 1). Hence, as the average Japanese would still have minimal exposure to other cultures, it is possible for Western culture to remain highly stereotyped with the Meiji-era associations being not only retained but also reproduced (Haarmann 1984, 103), as detailed in table 1.

Table 1. Features of stereotypes in Japanese commercials
Language used in commercials	Feature of ethnocultural stereotype	Product attached to this stereotype
English	international appreciation	alcoholic drink, tennis racket
	reliability	car, tire, engine
	high quality	television set, stereo
	confidence	tape recorder, cassette
	practical use	sportswear
	practical life style	motor scooter
French	high elegance	fashion, watch, biscuit
	refined taste	coffee, sweets, tasty food
	attractiveness	car, handbag
	sophisticated lifestyle	home, furnishings
	fascination and charm	makeup, cream, perfume

Source:  Reproduced from Haarmann (1984, 105)

As these stereotypes get translated into Japanese commercials, it is understandable that the West may consequently find Japanese commercials weird. This is because the ethnocultural stereotypes attached to foreign (i.e. Western) elements in Japanese commercials are inconsistent with the realities in Western society. This is further complicated by Japanese commercials tending to avoid direct product promotion unlike Western commercials (Akiyama 1993, 89).

Figure 3. “SOYJOY”, where two Caucasian ladies are depicted in setting similar to that of the Mad Hatter’s tea party in “Alice In Wonderland.” Neither the brand logo nor the product is immediately visible (Otsuka Pharmaceutical 2019)

Figure 4. One of the elegant ladies shown to take a small bite into the SOYJOY Scone Bar after a conversation in English (Otsuka Pharmaceutical 2019)

Figure 5. In “SOFY”, the opening scene consists of two aristocratic ladies depicted reading and talking together, appearing unrelated to the panty liner product being promoted (Unicharm Japan 2020)

Figure 6. “SOFY” was later shown to be promoting a super-absorbent panty liner product. The product name is zeitaku kyūshū (luxurious absorption) (Unicharm Japan 2020)

 

For example, “SOYJOY” features two Caucasian ladies having a tea party in a fantastical Western setting (fig. 3 and 4), while “SOFY” features two European ladies, one reading a book while another elegantly fans herself with a floral fan (fig. 5 and 6). These elements indeed appear irrelevant and even absurd for commercials that advertise mundane items such as snack bars and panty liners. However, as the products are embedded with French culture, they consequently gain luxurious connotations, e.g. “high elegance” and “refined taste” (table 1). It is thus clear that the foreign design actually serves a deliberate purpose of elevating the status of said items. For instance, “SOYJOY” promotes a scone bar that becomes high-quality when approved by elegant ladies, and “SOFY” sells panty liners that are praised by aristocratic ladies for their luxurious absorption power. The inclusion of foreign elements hence elevates the image of the products without necessitating a hard sell approach.

Such a strategy is useful as Japanese commercials have been more successful with a soft sell approach than a description of the product’s features (Akiyama 1993; Prieler 2008). Rather than inform the audience, such advertisements serve to engage them emotionally instead. This has however resulted in many advertisements containing seemingly unrelated and exaggerated content which appears to contradict traditional expectations of advertisements solely existing to describe a product. In attempting to explain such a phenomenon, it is important to note that, unlike Westerners, Japanese have a lower preference for direct marketing. Such a distinction may stem from cultural differences. As Prieler and Kohlbacher (2016) argue, Japan is a “high-context culture” as “very little is provided in the coded, explicit, or transmitted portions of messages” (27). Rather than focus on directly informing consumers of the advertisement’s purpose, there is a greater emphasis on non-verbal cues to induce the viewers towards inferring the message of the ad. For instance, some advertisements, such as “SOYJOY” (compare fig. 3 and 4) and “SOFY” (compare fig. 5 and 6), avoid outright naming the product until the end, and rely on unrelated cues to cultivate strong emotions instead. Such a strategy resembles the contrast between the central and peripheral routes of the Elaboration Likelihood Model (Prieler and Kohlbacher 2016, 32). The central route involves logical arguments to convince customers, while the peripheral route favours unrelated cues for persuasion (Zhang et al. 2014, 43). As Zhang et al. (2014) notes, Japanese consumers rate advertisements favourably should it evoke positive thoughts such as “loveliness” and “interesting”, and unfavourably should it contain “product features” or a “detailed description” (45). These findings are striking when one realises that they oppose the traditional aim of advertisements, i.e. to inform. Hence, when considering such differences in how advertisements are perceived, the preference of Japanese for marketing concepts that are distinct from the West, and consequently interpreted as weird, becomes clear.

Another important contrast between Japan and the West is the difference in societal norms. Japan has a strong emphasis on conformity and maintaining harmony (Akiyama 1993, 92). This consequently results in Japanese having a strong aversion towards antagonistic messages, such as product comparisons. Such an avoidance is unfortunate, however, as this is a common strategy in Western commercials. By emphasising the superiority of their product to their competitors’ products, advertisers hope to cultivate brand loyalty. However, this backfired in Japan. For example, the 1991 Pepsi commercial that attempted to mock Coca Cola was widely criticized as defamation and Pepsi was forced to apologise (Prieler and Kohlbacher 2016, 34). With such common marketing techniques being made unviable in Japan, it is clear that Japanese companies would need to resort to strategies perceived as unconventional by the West.

Beyond just unique cultural norms and an unusual fascination with Western culture, however, Japanese commercials are primarily designed as such due to technical limitations keeping advertisement times short. According to Prieler (2008, 32), the typical length of commercials is 30 seconds in the West but 15 seconds in Japan. This distinction originated from 1961 when 30 second units were split in half and priced higher than half of the original pricing (Kawashima 2006, 402). Even now, there continues to exist two main advertisement types: 30 second “time” advertisements and 15 second “spot” advertisements, with the added distinction of companies needing to sponsor part of the airing programme’s production costs should they choose the former (Nippon Television Network Corporation 2010, 2). It is thus understandable that most companies favour the more affordable 15-second advertisements. For instance, all three commercials that we chose are 15 seconds long. With such tight time constraints, Japanese companies might find hard-sell approaches unviable, as not much information can be conveyed (Prieler 2008, 34). Consequently, it is clear that Japanese commercials would need to resort to alternative strategies such as inserting an element of surprise to ensure that their advertisements remain memorable.

Figure 7. Description of sequence of events originating from a surprising ad (Prieler 2006, 264)

 

As figure 7 outlines, in relying on humour to elicit strong emotions due to the unexpected twist in the advertisements, advertisers hope that their audience would then gain a stronger impression of the product despite the limited time available (Prieler 2006, 264). This is indeed the case in the three 15-second advertisements we chose. With these advertisements incorporating foreign culture in an unexpected and seemingly unrelated way, it is clear that there is an intent to utilise the surprise factor.

Figure 8. “GU” featuring a Palace of Versailles setting that seems to be right out of a Renaissance oil painting, with quarter-Japanese talent Rola (in a blue dress) acting as Rola Antoinette (Oricon 2014, 1:50)

Figure 9. “GU” later revealed to be advertising for a ¥1,490 skirt campaign (Oricon 2014, 2:03)

An example of this is in “GU”. There is an abrupt shift from Rola Antoinette’s conversation on eating an old cake (fig. 8) to the cheap skirts that are promoted (fig. 9). With them apparently unlinked, curious viewers might then be attracted to the commercial and subsequently remember both the commercial and the product. Hence, rather than classify Japanese commercials as inherently weird, it is possible that their design may have stemmed from the technical limitations in advertising. As Japanese advertisers face a narrower time limit as compared to the West when promoting their product, they would likely resort to different strategies than the latter.

In conclusion, when cultural norms are factored in, the rationale behind such Japanese commercials becomes clearer. Rather than being seen as eccentric, a more nuanced argument would attribute the differences in advertisement design to the differences in the approaches taken by advertisers to appeal to the respective countries’ cultural preferences. Such differences include the focus on Japanese favouring more emotive messages and a general aversion to some advertisement techniques that are preferred by the West. Beyond just uncovering the differences in societal norms alone, we have also strived to outline other key factors such as the unique fascination Japan historically has had with foreigners, and the technical limitations of Japanese advertisement time slots resulting in more surprising advertisement designs being favoured. By being made aware of these reasons, we hope that Western viewers of such commercials would no longer find them “wacky”.

 

About the authors:

Name: Wang Lei
Major: Japanese Studies
Interests: Watching real estate videos on YT

Name: Timothy Yee Bing Lun
Majors: Life Science and Psychology (Double Degree) and Japanese Studies (Minor)
Interests: Japanese linguistics, anime/manga, and pop culture in general

Name: Sun Shuwei
Majors: English Literature and Japanese Studies
Interests: Film

Name: Hannah Neo
Major: Communication and New Nedia
Interests: Storytelling and Art/Design

Name: Vivian Chang
Major: English Language
Interests: Photography and travelling

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