Political Communication and Mobilisation: The Hindi Media in India- By Assistant Professor Taberez Ahmed Neyazi

Any generalisation about the Indian media is problematic because there are diverse media systems within the country. The Hindi language media has the widest circulation, reaching almost 40 per cent of India’s total population, and the Hindi- speaking population accounts for over 40 per cent of the national population and is regionally concentrated in the northern and central parts of India. The success of the Hindi media should not be compared with other vernacular language media such as Tamil and Bengali, because the Hindi language press enjoyed state support both during the colonial period and in newly independent India that helped the Hindi media attain privileged status. Hindi, together with other vernacular media, has a far wider reach than the indigenous English media, catering to both elite and popular constituencies, and is a politically significant player. While the English language media is often described as the ‘national media’, its reach is limited to a much smaller percentage of the population – the English-speaking elites and the middle class. The process of political communication is, therefore, more nuanced because of the complexity and diversity of the Indian news media market than in most countries.

Moreover, the complexities associated with the size of the political economy of India requires special focus on how ethnic, religious and sectarian diversity impacts media markets/systems, political campaigning, protest movements and grassroots mobilisation. This is largely because of the many languages in India and the existence of numerous regional and local media systems in vernacular languages. Despite the fact that similar large economic forces operate in the globalising Indian market place, there are still stark socio-cultural differences in the media systems of different states in India and, thus, many media systems exist within one country. At the same time, the process of political communication is affected by the gap between urban and rural, as well as inter- and intra- state differences on various development indicators such as literacy, poverty, urbanisation and media availability. In contrast to many western democracies that have experienced a largely linear process of media evolution with the rise of print followed by radio then television and more recently the cell phone and the internet, India has witnessed tremendous growth across all media simultaneously over the past decade. The non-linear development of India’s communication processes and the proliferation of different sources of information have deepened the fragmentation in the already fragmented media.

Scholars writing about the Indian media tend to overlook these complexities and have focused instead on the Indian media as a singular entity. The lack of political autonomy is another issue that has been raised with respect to television and press. Since the rise of television in the 1990s, there is a growing literature suggesting the rise of ‘infotainment’, ‘Murdochisation of news’ and ‘commodification of news’ without reference to language, in part because these trends are common across most Hindi and vernacular media. Notwithstanding these shortcomings, news media in India has played a significant role in influencing politics and affected the transformation at the grassroots. There is a simultaneous presence of commercialisation and infotainment along with a concern for the poor and the marginalised in the Indian media. This hybrid character is clearly reflected in the Hindi media-mediated democratic transformation, defined here as mobilisation for electoral politics as well as civil society activism.

The core argument of this book is that the Hindi media has played and continues to play a catalytic role as mobilising agents in the ongoing democratic transformation in India. The mobilising role of the Hindi media was also evident in colonial India where the Hindi media aligned with the freedom struggle and helped mobilise public opinion against the British. Instead of viewing the Indian media as a singular entity, this book demonstrates its diversity and complexity to understand the changing dynamics of political communication that is shaped by the interactions among the news media, political parties and diverse public. In the process, I show the ways the media in India tread the diverse space in this comparatively young democracy by encouraging political and social mobilisation while dealing with complex local realities. I also show how the new forms of media are being used by people, movements and political parties for social and political mobilisation in a rapidly transforming media environment.

I provide insights into the profound and messy, yet quiet, transformations taking place in the countryside and small towns, away from the glare of the Delhi-based TV studios. In a growing economy such as India’s, what role do media play in mobilising political awareness? What role does the Hindi language media, accessed by over 40 per cent of the people, play in building this political awareness? And when nearly 30 per cent of the population is illiterate, how is the work of the media relevant to their lives?

This study is located in the larger context of mobilisation and political awakening that is growing at the grassroots level in India, and at an important juncture in the evolution of the Indian state when the Indian economy is increasingly driven by a private sector orientation after the economy began to open up after the financial crisis in 1991. Critics have questioned whether the neo-liberal measures have really helped improve life chances for the marginalised through betterment of education, health and job opportunities. This is where the rise of the vernacular media, which started to discuss local issues, politics and society of its own local public, assumes significance, since media plays both an important and a critical role in evaluating the day-to-day functioning of the state and society. There have also been growing debates about the increasing influence of markets and governments in the functioning of the media. Several studies have analysed the ramifications of the corporatisation of the media and ownership concentration for democracy. Along with the increasing commercialisation of media in India, there is a cosy relationship between the government, the media and corporations, as well as the issue of opaque media ownership. The phenomena of paid news, where media outlets produce content on behalf of politicians, celebrities and companies for payment that is passed off as news and not advertising, is a serious challenge that questions the independence of Indian media from external influence.

The instrumentalisation of media, where proprietors use media to advance their political and business interests outside of publishing instead of serving the public, is a major concern in the current context. Despite making financial losses, the media business offers disproportionate political gains and, hence, the media business cannot be understood solely in terms of profits and losses on the books or the way conventional businesses operate. The political elites, by using their power and political muscle, have inhibited news diversity and undermined the potential of the media to offer diverse perspectives on issues. The political economy of the media and convoluted media ownership is thus more complex in the Indian context than in other nations.

In my book- Political Communication and Mobilisation: The Hindi Media in India– I focus both on mobilisation for electoral politics, which has been the main concern of political scientists, as well as provide cases of grassroots mobilisation where citizens and groups from different class and caste backgrounds actively participate in mediated public arena activities. The book examines recent developments such as the movement against corruption led by Anna Hazare that propelled him and the country into world news throughout 2011 and mobilisation in the 2014 national election campaigns, and examines the interactions between traditional and social media and how they have changed the structures and dynamics of political communication in contemporary India.

Assistant Professor Taberez A Neyazi’s book, Political Communication and Mobilisation: The Hindi Media in India, is published by Cambridge University Press, and is out now.

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  1. Of course there are several types of constituency of business organizations involved in media business. Its like the larger the organization the more vulnerable it us to get controlled by the powerful, as without bring under powerful they cannot become so big. There can be very few totally the likes of http://www.vov.media which are based on entire truth as available and never send any Bogus or sponsored braking news as they claim. They are all much logical and based of some principles of Veracity that can help them be ngo things to the mass exactly as they are.

    However things have been presented by media after manipulation in the interest of the rich and powerful. Trump classic Ms fake news and fake media. Such a statement by POTUS is not bizarre. Its simply that there is psychological flaw in many people with weak brain damage who get carried away by the words of someone famous. They do not have their own logic but logic is what the famous say and in their own way.

    Unless individuals do not learn to align with true and just allow weakness in their brains, of course they do not deserve real news.

  2. These days media is not presenting te facts, firstly out of greed as POTUS claims fake news and on the other hand due to hypocrisy which is also hampering human growth and fake information floats in te market. Few people take advantage of this fake information while most people take is as truth and are unable to lead real lives and just get caried away by the fake people on earth. Some such facts can be gauged here http://maleescortsforgirls.blogspot.in/2018/03/rich-or-poor-women-all-have-desires.html which proves about the real hypocrisy based fabric of human society which is biased towards woemen.

    As we are at such an advanced stage of this world we must come up with truth and share it as much as we can as we have lived a lot in lives of hypocrisy and its more tan a bondage, hence truth must prevail and let humanity get what it deserves.

  3. Its trend set by the media industry which we follow as I havementioned in my article https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/hindi-media-movies-songs-aqsa-zehra/?published=t&lipi=urn%3Ali%3Apage%3Ad_flagship3_profile_view_base_post_details%3B%2BXHP7fBjSg64XS%2BEbeEMmw%3D%3D which proves that education is creted by te media and its people and it becomes trend for all of us to follow.

  4. These days political communication needs to be studied in the light of monetary consideration. Corruption has increased several folds in this world. We need to be practical as inly practical things matter in life. Fictious things only hamper human development.

    These days there are developments in the field of Crypto currency and so many such currencies are coming up. At the world’s top cryptocurrency portal http://www.cryptobarqat.com it has been finely explained. Many want it to come and several others don’t want it to come,depending upon their interest. If they find ease in making corruption they will be accepting it, else will denounce it with bogus excuses and such people are good at playing with words and data. These need political people to support them.

    Like, in India RBI or their central banker is opposing cryptocurrency as they will not be in a better position to carry out their corruption as then they will be more prone to get traced as digital currency will be digital and they cannot carry it to tax havens under their vast set method.

    Thus, political economics needs to be studied fir factual results.

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